Dec 22, 2017
We make up our minds about others after seeing their faces for a fraction of a second—and these snap judgments predict all kinds of important decisions. For example, politicians who simply look more competent are more likely to win elections. Yet the character judgments we make from faces are as inaccurate as they are irresistible; in most situations, we would guess more accurately if we ignored faces. So why do we put so much stock in these widely shared impressions? What is their purpose if they are completely unreliable? In this book, Alexander Todorov, one of the world's leading researchers on the subject, answers these questions as he tells the story of the modern science of first impressions.
Drawing on psychology, cognitive science, neuroscience, computer science, and other fields, this accessible and richly illustrated book describes cutting-edge research and puts it in the context of the history of efforts to read personality from faces. Todorov describes how we have evolved the ability to read basic social signals and momentary emotional states from faces, using a network of brain regions dedicated to the processing of faces. Yet contrary to the nineteenth-century pseudoscience of physiognomy and even some of today's psychologists, faces don't provide us a map to the personalities of others. Rather, the impressions we draw from faces reveal a map of our own biases and stereotypes.
Alexander Todorov is professor of psychology at Princeton University, where he is also affiliated with the Princeton Neuroscience Institute and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. His research on first impressions has been covered by media around the world, including the New York Times, the Guardian, the New Yorker, the Daily Telegraph, Scientific American, PBS, and NPR. He lives in Princeton.
What inspired you to write this book?
I have been doing research on how people perceive faces for more
than 10 years. Typically, we think of face perception as
recognizing identity and emotional expressions, but we do much more
than that. When we meet someone new, we immediately evaluate their
face and these evaluations shape our decisions. This is what we
informally call first impressions. First impressions pervade
everyday life and often have detrimental consequences. Research on
first impressions from facial appearance has been quite active
during the last decade and we have made substantive progress in
understanding these impressions. My book is about the nature of
first impressions, why we cannot help but form impressions, and why
these impressions will not disappear from our lives.
In your book, you argue that first impressions from facial
appearance are irresistible. What is the evidence?
As I mentioned, the study of first impressions has been a
particularly active area of research and the findings have been
quite surprising. First, we form impressions after seeing a face
for less than one-tenth of a second. We decide not only whether the
person is attractive but also whether he or she is trustworthy,
competent, extroverted, or dominant. Second, we agree on these
impressions and this agreement emerges early in development.
Children, just like adults, are prone to using face stereotypes.
Third, these impressions are consequential. Unlucky people who
appear “untrustworthy” are more likely to get harsher legal
punishments. Those who appear “trustworthy” are more likely to get
loans on better financial terms. Politicians who appear more
“competent” are more likely to get elected. Military personnel who
appear more “dominant” are more likely to achieve higher ranks. My
book documents both the effortless nature of first impressions and
their biasing effects on decisions.
The first part of your book is about the appeal of
physiognomy—the pseudoscience of reading character from faces. Has
not physiognomy been thoroughly discredited?
Yes and no. Most people today don’t believe in the great
physiognomy myth that we can read the character of others from
their faces, but the evidence suggests that we are all naïve
physiognomists: forming instantaneous impressions and acting on
these impressions. Moreover, fueled by recent research advances in
visualizing the content of first impressions, physiognomy appears
in many modern disguises: from research papers claiming that we can
discern the political, religious, and sexual orientations of others
from images of their faces to private ventures promising to profile
people based on images of their faces and offering business
services to companies and governments. This is nothing new. The
early 20th century physiognomists, who called themselves “character
analysts,” were involved in many business ventures. The modern
physiognomists are relying on empirical and computer science
methods to legitimize their claims. But as I try to make clear in
the book, the modern claims are as far-stretched as the claims of
the old physiognomists. First, different images of the same person
can lead to completely different impressions. Second, often our
decisions are more accurate if we completely ignore face
information and rely on common knowledge.
You mentioned research advances that visualize the content
of first impressions. What do you mean?
Faces are incredibly complex stimuli and we are inquisitively
sensitive to minor variations in facial appearance. This makes the
study of face perception both fascinating and difficult. In the
last 10 years, we have developed methods that capture the
variations in facial appearance that lead to specific impressions
such as trustworthiness. The best way to illustrate the methods is
by providing visual images, because it is impossible to describe
all these variations in verbal terms. Accordingly, the book is
richly illustrated. Here is a pair of faces that have been
extremely exaggerated to show the variations in appearance that
shape our impressions of trustworthiness.
Most people immediately see the face on the left as untrustworthy and the face on the right as trustworthy. But notice the large number of differences between the two faces: shape, color, texture, individual features, placement of individual features, and so on. Yet we can easily identify global characteristics that differentiate these faces. Positive expressions and feminine appearance make a face appear more trustworthy. In contrast, negative expressions and masculine appearance make a face appear less trustworthy. We can and have built models of many other impressions such as dominance, extroversion, competence, threat, and criminality. These models identify the contents of our facial stereotypes.
To the extent that we share face stereotypes that emerge
early in development, isn’t it possible that these stereotypes are
grounded in our evolutionary past and, hence, have a kernel of
truth?
On the evolutionary scale, physiognomy has a very short history. If
you imagine the evolution of humankind compressed within 24 hours,
we have lived in small groups during the entire 24 hours except for
the last 5 minutes. In such groups, there is abundant information
about others coming from first-hand experiences (like observations
of behavior and interactions) and from second-hand experiences
(like testimonies of family, friends, and acquaintances). That is
for most of human history, people did not have to rely on
appearance information to infer the character of others. These
inferences were based on much more reliable and easily accessible
information. The emergence of large societies in the last few
minutes of the day changed all that. The physiognomists’ promise
was that we could handle the uncertainty of living with strangers
by knowing them from their faces. It is no coincidence that the
peaks of popularity of physiognomists’ ideas were during times of
great migration. Unfortunately, the physiognomists’ promise is as
appealing today as it was in the past.
Are there ways to minimize the effects of first impressions
on our decisions?
We need to structure decisions so that we have access to valid
information and minimize the access to appearance information. A
good real life example is the increase of the number of women in
prestigious philharmonic orchestras. Until recently, these
orchestras were almost exclusively populated by men. What made the
difference was the introduction of blind auditions. The judges
could hear the candidates’ performance but their judgments could
not be swayed by appearance, because they could not see the
candidates.
So why are faces important?
Faces play an extremely important role in our mental life, though
not the role the physiognomists imagined. Newborns with virtually
no visual experience prefer to look at faces than at other objects.
After all, without caregivers we will not survive. In the first few
months of life, faces are one of the most looked upon objects. This
intensive experience with faces develops into an intricate network
of brain regions dedicated to the processing of faces. This network
supports our extraordinary face skills: recognizing others and
detecting changes in their emotional and mental states. There are
likely evolutionary adaptations in the human face—our bare skin,
elongated eyes with white sclera, and prominent eyebrows—but these
adaptations are about facilitating the reading of other minds,
about communicating and coordinating our actions, not about
inferring character.